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Based on Marxist monetary theory, this paper investigates the formation mechanism of dollarization, its real-world impacts, and corresponding countermeasures. From a financialization perspective, the internationally dominated monetary system by the U.S. dollar has undergone three stages: the gold- dollar system, the oil-dollar system, and the institution-dollar system. Among them, the institution- dollar system, also known as the global financialization system, is a fusion of commodity and financial markets, domestic and international markets, achieved through financialization under the neoliberal institutional framework. It has further promoted the expansion of the U.S. dollar’s international monetary power. The expansion of international monetary power is primarily achieved through dollarization, and global dollarization is realized through three financialization mechanisms: commodity financialization, technological financialization, and institutional financialization. Commodity financialization serves as the foundation for global dollarization, technological financialization acts as the catalyst, and institutional financialization provides the fundamental guarantee for global dollarization. Dollarization, centered around U.S. interests, has serious consequences for peripheral countries. The peripheral countries can counter dollarization by promoting international monetary diversification, curbing technological financialization, and fully recognizing the risks associated with neoliberal reforms: liberalization, privatization, and marketization (LPM). China should prioritize the management of its financial strength and adopt high-quality economic development and Renminbi internationalization as core strategies to advance de-dollarization.

Hồ Chí Minh Thought on democracy, especially the thought on building a democracy with its core being the idea of the people’s right to mastery and their subjective role, and the people “know how to enjoy democratic rights” as well as “know how to use democratic rights” in practicing democracy, has shown an extremely profound theoretical and practical significance in the cause of national liberation revolution and building socialism. It was Hồ Chí Minh’s guidance on fundamental issues in the process of building democracy in the Vietnamese revolutionary cause that has practically formed a great strength to guide the nation from one triumph to another. Up to now, along with the “aspiration to develop the country” in the spirit of the 13th National Party Congress, the highest promotion of Hồ Chí Minh Thought on democracy and practicing democracy, especially the people’s right to mastery and their subjective role, will ensure our greater achievements in the coming time.

National independence associated with socialism, the path chosen by the Party and the Vietnamese people, is an objective necessity fully aligned with the trajectory of the Vietnamese revolution and the currents of the times. Both theoretical analysis and practical experience demonstrate that national independence associated with socialism is a choice in accord with historical development and the aspirations of the Vietnamese people.

Journal of Political Theory and Communication respectfully introduces to readers the article “Brilliant Vietnam” by General Secretary To Lam on the occasion of the 95th anniversary of the establishment of the Communist Party of Vietnam (February 3, 1930 - February 3, 2025).

President Hồ Chí Minh has entered the “realm of the virtuous,” yet the spiritual legacy he left behind - especially his thought, as its core - continues to demonstrate enduring vitality and illuminating value. The essential foundation of this enduring power and profound value lies in the scientific, revolutionary, and humanistic characteristics of his thought. Systematizing and clearly defining these noble characteristics is an imperative task. The reason is simple: to defend Hồ Chí Minh Thought or to refute distorted interpretations of it - as an inseparable component of the Party’s ideological foundation - one must hold scientific conviction and a thorough understanding of what is being defended. The author has chosen this topic based on that perspective.

On discussing revolutionary press, the first question that journalist Hồ Chí Minh was concerned about was “to whom does he write for?”, that is, to find the target of revolutionary journalism’s reflection and service, because this answer determines the entire purpose, content and form of writing, as well as the qualities and ethics of journalists. Hồ Chí Minh was always consistent in his viewpoint: revolutionary press must aim to serve the general public; at the same time, each newspaper has its own target of service. The popularity and the specificity of journalism are not opposed or contradictory to each other, but they harmoniously combine and complement to each other, creating a unique characteristic in Hồ Chí Minh’s viewpoint on the target audience of the revolutionary press.

Hồ Chí Minh’s writing career aimed at gaining national independence and socialism, striving for freedom and happiness of the Vietnamese people, building a revolutionary press for the people and by the people. The article focuses on the values in Hồ Chí Minh Thought on journalism, namely the humane, humanitarian, and progressive values which are considered a unique feature and play an orienting role in the current revolutionary press.

Digital transformation in education and training in general, and in political theory education in particular, is an inevitable trend for Vietnamese universities in the context of the current “booming” digital technology. To meet and keep up with the development trend of the era, political theory education at universities is currently transforming towards improvement of the teaching staff’s quality, innovation of contents and programs, diversification of educational methods, active investment in and upgrade of technical and technological infrastructure, increase of students’ proactiveness, positivity and creativity. The article focuses on analyzing and clarifying the actual situation of digital transformation and recommend a number of basic solutions to promote digital transformation in political theory education at Vietnamese universities in the coming time.

Disaster communication is now recognized as a key part of governance; however, its strategic elements remain underdeveloped, particularly outside of Western contexts. This study seeks to address this gap by reframing disaster communication not merely as reactive information transfer but as a strategic governance tool embedded in public administration. Using a systematic literature review, the paper synthesizes interdisciplinary frameworks from public relations, crisis communication, and political science to develop an integrated model of strategic disaster communication governance. The analysis presents a dual-level framework that distinguishes between the strategic management of meaning, which shapes public interpretation through framing and stakeholder alignment, and the tactical management of information, which oversees the processing and dissemination of data. The findings show that effective disaster communication requires a shift from reactive, top-down information dissemination to proactive, two-way, symmetrical governance. Reinterpreting the RACE model as a governance cycle that links strategic orientation to tactical execution underscores the importance of systematic planning, stakeholder mapping, and adaptive communication processes for managing both meaning and information. Furthermore, the paper argues that communication should be treated as a public good, essential to maintaining institutional legitimacy and promoting long-term community resilience, particularly within centralized governance frameworks such as Vietnam’s. In the digital era, integrating dialogic, two-way communication mechanisms is crucial for sustaining public trust and enhancing the effectiveness of disaster management efforts.